JOKOWI HAS MORE STRONGER CONTROL PRESIDENCY THAN IN 2014 ERA By : Toni Ervianto
Jakarta-JI. An article at www.asiasentinel.com titled “Jokowi likely loses control presidency” (https://www.asiasentinel.com/politics/indonesia-jokowi-likely-loses-control-presidency/)
must be corrected and literated because those article has been deeply offended to Jokowi who had been won during presidential elections in Indonesia. Several data or facts and an argumentation which had been delivered on those article did not reflect truth and it could be mooted.
First, those article said Indonesia President Joko Widodo, scheduled to take the oath of office in October for his second term, very much appears to be a man who has lost control of his presidency. If indeed he does, Indonesia’s already faltering dalliance with democratic rule may be about to end. Jokowi, as the president is known, he had earlier promised significant numbers would be filled with young technocrats. That may now be endangered. No names have been leaked. But one name rumored is that of Prabowo Subianto, the man Jokowi twice defeated for the presidency and who, in May, was believed to have been behind a bid to overturn the presidency by force in which six people died in demonstrations fomented by forces aligned with him.
I think President Joko Widodo has special rights to form the new cabinet as his prerogrative rights. Indeed, public must understand that forming new cabinet, Jokowi must make political communication and dialogue among his political party coalition and former political party non-coalition. There is not false if Jokowi choose Prabowo Subianto as defence minister or others prestigious political high ranks, because Jokowi needs Prabowo and his political party supports to maintain the stable and continuing his new government administration.
Second, as an example of the president’s lack of clout, he was forced in mid-September to stand behind legislation emasculating the enormously popular Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK), which has been responsible for the jailing of scores of government officials, politicians and the people who attempted to bribe their way to prosperity. Measures to weaken the KPK had been introduced twice before, to have Jokowi, as the president is known, stop them. A wide range of reform organizations, which condemned the measure, had vainly expected him to stop it again. It seems an astonishing, if not depressing misreading of the electorate and Jokowi’s popularity. The decision on the part of Megawati and the oligarchs to jam through the weakening of the KPK enraged the citizenry and sparked riots in a half-dozen cities. If indeed the oligarchs succeed in emasculating the presidency, it is likely to antagonize an electorate that, 20 years after Suharto’s death, has had access to increasing education, a free press and institutions such as political reform NGOs.
I think the revision of Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK)’s bill is “a political agreement” between parliament and Indonesia’s government because they have seen KPK’s efforts must be strengthened because the war on a massive corruption practices has endangered the future of Indonesia. Parliament and government have agreed that the current strategic circumstances can be encroachmented KPK’s efforts to tackle corruption practices in Indonesia. They have had common perception that KPK must be strengthened with Control Agency of KPK. It is aimed to reach neutrality and independency of KPK.
Third, Megawati, this month Megawati engineered the appointment of her daughter, Puan Maharani to head the house of representatives despite the daughter’s lack of legislative experience and shadows over her reputation. Setya Novanto, the former speaker who was put in prison for 15 years by the KPK, said Puan Maharani taken US$500,000 in bribes over the implementation of a corruption-riddled smart identification card that the KPK was investigating until the legislation that went into effect last week put the probe out of business. The question is whether the president’s limited attempts at reform are now endangered – by the PDI-P as much as anybody, given its ration of corrupt political figures.
I think the above statement which had launched by www.asiasentinel.com is a political assumption. Puan Maharani had been elected as the new of head the house of representatives based on PDI-P as the winner of legislative elections in 2019, so regarding to “national political concensus” the winner of legislative elections has right to be the head house of representatives. Similar with this issues, the figure of Puan Maharani is an internal PDI-P political communication to promote and to support her to be the new DPR’s spokeswoman and all of political party which have political representative in parliament are agree related to Puan Maharani political appointed. Because that, Jokowi does not loses control presidency and reversely, Jokowi has more stronger political support than when he and Jusuf Kalla won in 2014 presidential elections.
*) The writer is a political observer. He earned his master degree at the University of Indonesia (UI).